Part 1 – OUR TERRORISTS
“This is an organisation that has an apocalyptic, end-of-days
strategic vision which will eventually have to be defeated,” Gen Martin
Dempsey, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, told a Pentagon press
conference in August.
Military action is necessary to halt the spread of the ISIS “cancer,”
said President Obama. Yesterday he called for expanded airstrikes
across Iraq and Syria, and new measures to arm and train Iraqi and
Kurdish ground forces.
“The only way to defeat [IS] is to stand firm and to send a very
straightforward message,” declared Prime Minister Cameron. “A country
like ours will not be cowed by these barbaric killers.”
Missing from the chorus of outrage, however, has been any
acknowledgement of the integral role of covert US and British regional
military intelligence strategy in empowering and even directly
sponsoring the very same virulent Islamist militants in Iraq, Syria and
beyond, that went on to break away from al-Qaeda and form ‘ISIS’, the
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or now simply, the Islamic State (IS).
Since 2003, Anglo-American power has secretly and openly coordinated
direct and indirect support for Islamist terrorist groups linked to
al-Qaeda across the Middle East and North Africa. This ill-conceived
patchwork geostrategy is a legacy of the persistent influence of
neoconservative ideology, motivated by longstanding but often
contradictory ambitions to dominate regional oil resources, defend an
expansionist Israel, and in pursuit of these, re-draw the map of the
Middle East.
Now despite Pentagon denials that there will be boots on the ground –
and Obama’s insistence that this would not be another “Iraq war” –
local Kurdish military and intelligence sources confirm that US and
German
special operations forces
are already “on the ground here. They are helping to support us in the
attack.” US airstrikes on ISIS positions and arms supplies to the Kurds
have also been accompanied by British RAF reconnaissance flights over
the region and
UK weapons shipments to Kurdish peshmerga forces.
Divide and Rule in Iraq
“It’s not that we don’t want the Salafis to throw bombs,” said one
US government defense consultant
in 2007. “It’s who they throw them at – Hezbollah, Moqtada al-Sadr,
Iran, and at the Syrians, if they continue to work with Hezbollah and
Iran.”
Early during the 2003 invasion and occupation of Iraq, the US
covertly supplied arms to al-Qaeda affiliated insurgents even while
ostensibly supporting an emerging Shi’a-dominated administration.
Pakistani defense sources interviewed by
Asia Times in February 2005 confirmed that insurgents described as “former Ba’ath party” loyalists – who were being
recruited and trained
by “al-Qaeda in Iraq” under the leadership of the late Abu Musab
Zarqawi – were being supplied Pakistan-manufactured weapons by the US.
The arms shipments included rifles, rocket-propelled grenade launchers,
ammunition, rockets and other light weaponry. These arms “could not be
destined for the Iraqi security forces because US arms would be given to
them”, a source told Syed Saleem Shahzad – the Times’ Pakistan bureau
chief who, “known for his
exposes of the Pakistani military”
according to the New Yorker, was murdered in 2011. Rather, the US is
playing a double-game to “head off” the threat of a “Shi’ite
clergy-driven religious movement,” said the Pakistani defense source.
This was not the only way US strategy aided the rise of Zarqawi, a
bin Laden mentee and brainchild of the extremist ideology that would
later spawn ‘ISIS.’
According to a little-known November report for the
US Joint Special Operations University (JSOU) and Strategic Studies Department,
Dividing Our Enemies,
post-invasion Iraq was “an interesting case study of fanning discontent
among enemies, leading to ‘red-against-red’ [enemy-against-enemy]
firefights.”
While counterinsurgency on the one hand requires US forces to
“ameliorate harsh or deprived living conditions of the indigenous
populations” to publicly win local hearts and minds, “the reverse side
of this coin is one less discussed. It involves no effort to win over
those caught in the crossfire of insurgent and counterinsurgent warfare,
whether by bullet or broadcast. On the contrary, this underside of the
counterinsurgency coin is calculated to exploit or create divisions
among adversaries for the purpose of fomenting enemy-on-enemy deadly
encounters.”
In other words, US forces will pursue public legitimacy through
conventional social welfare while simultaneously delegitimising local
enemies by escalating intra-insurgent violence, knowing full-well that
doing so will in turn escalate the number of innocent civilians “caught
in the crossfire.” The idea is that violence covertly calibrated by
US special operations will not only weaken enemies through in-fighting but turn the population against them.
In this case, the ‘enemy’ consisted of jihadists, Ba’athists, and
peaceful Sufis, who were in a majority but, like the militants, also
opposed the US military presence and therefore needed to be influenced.
The JSOU report referred to events in late 2004 in Fallujah where “US
psychological warfare (PSYOP) specialists” undertook to “set insurgents
battling insurgents.” This involved actually promoting Zarqawi’s
ideology, ironically, to defeat it: “The PSYOP warriors crafted programs
to exploit Zarqawi’s murderous activities – and to disseminate them
through meetings, radio and television broadcasts, handouts, newspaper
stories, political cartoons, and posters – thereby diminishing his
folk-hero image,” and encouraging the different factions to pick each
other off. “By tapping into the Fallujans’ revulsion and antagonism to
the Zarqawi jihadis the Joint PSYOP Task Force did its ‘best to foster a
rift between Sunni groups.’”
Yet as noted by Dahr Jamail, one of the few unembedded investigative
reporters in Iraq after the war, the proliferation of propaganda linking
the acceleration of suicide bombings to the persona of Zarqawi was not
matched by meaningful evidence. His own search to substantiate the
myriad claims attributing the insurgency to Zarqawi beyond anonymous US
intelligence sources encountered only an
“eerie blankness”.
The US military operation in Fallujah, largely justified on the claim
that Zarqawi’s militant forces had occupied the city, used white
phosphorous, cluster bombs, and indiscriminate air strikes to pulverise
36,000 of Fallujah’s 50,000 homes, killing nearly a thousand civilians,
terrorising 300,000 inhabitants to flee, and culminating in a
disproportionate increase in birth defects, cancer and infant mortality
due to the devastating environmental consequences of the war.
To this day, Fallujah has suffered from being largely cut-off from
wider Iraq, its infrastructure largely unworkable with water and sewage
systems still in disrepair, and its citizens subject to sectarian
discrimination and persecution by Iraqi government backed Shi’a militia
and police. “Thousands of bereaved and homeless Falluja families have a
new reason to hate the US and its allies,” observed
The Guardian in 2005. Thus, did the US occupation
plant the seeds from which Zarqawi’s legacy would coalesce into the Frankenstein monster that calls itself “the Islamic State.”
Bankrolling al-Qaeda in Syria
According to former French foreign minister
Roland Dumas,
Britain had planned covert action in Syria as early as 2009: “I was in
England two years before the violence in Syria on other business,” he
told French television: “I met with top British officials, who confessed
to me that they were preparing something in Syria. This was in Britain
not in America. Britain was preparing gunmen to invade Syria.”
Leaked emails from the
private intelligence firm Stratfor, including notes from
a meeting with Pentagon officials,
confirmed that as of 2011, US and UK special forces training of Syrian
opposition forces was well underway. The goal was to elicit the
“collapse” of Assad’s regime “from within.”
Since then, the role of the
Gulf states
– namely Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and
Jordan (as well as NATO member Turkey) – in officially and unofficially
financing and coordinating the
most virulent elements
amongst Syria’s rebels under the tutelage of US military intelligence
is no secret. Yet the conventional wisdom is that the funneling of
support to Islamist extremists in the rebel movement affiliated to
al-Qaeda has been a colossal and regrettable error.
The reality is very different. The empowerment of the Islamist
factions within the ‘Free Syrian Army’ (FSA) was a foregone conclusion
of the strategy.
In its drive to depose Col. Qaddafi in Libya, NATO had previously
allied itself with rebels affiliated to the al-Qaeda faction, the
Islamic Fighting Group. The resulting Libyan regime backed by the US was
in turn
liaising with FSA leaders
in Istanbul to provide money and heavy weapons for the anti-Assad
insurgency. The State Department even hired an al-Qaeda affiliated
Libyan militia group to provide
security for the US embassy in Benghazi – although they had links with the very people that attacked the embassy.
Last year, CNN confirmed that CIA officials operating secretly out of the Benghazi embassy were being forced to take extra
polygraph tests
to keep under wraps what US Congressman suspect was a covert operation
“to move surface-to-air missiles out of Libya, through Turkey, and into
the hands of Syrian rebels.”
With their
command and control centre
based in Istanbul, Turkey, military supplies from Saudi Arabia and
Qatar in particular were transported by Turkish intelligence to the
border for rebel acquisition.
CIA operatives along with Israeli and Jordanian commandos were also training FSA rebels on the Jordanian-Syrian border with anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons. In addition, other
reports
show that British and French military were also involved in these
secret training programmes. It appears that the same FSA rebels
receiving this elite training went straight into ISIS – last month one
ISIS commander,
Abu Yusaf, said, “Many of the FSA people who the west has trained are actually joining us.”
The National
thus confirmed the existence of another command and control centre in
Amman, Jordan, “staffed by western and Arab military officials,” which
“channels vehicles, sniper rifles, mortars, heavy machine guns, small
arms and ammunition to Free Syrian Army units.” Rebel and opposition
sources described the weapons bridge as “a well-run operation staffed by
high-ranking military officials from 14 countries, including the US,
European nations and Arabian Gulf states, the latter providing the bulk
of materiel and financial support to rebel factions.”
The FSA sources interviewed by The National went to pains to deny
that any al-Qaeda affiliated factions were involved in the control
centre, or would receive any weapons support. But this is difficult to
believe given that “Saudi and Qatari-supplied weapons” were being
funneled through to the rebels via Amman, to their favoured factions.
Classified
assessments
of the military assistance supplied by US allies Saudi Arabia and Qatar
obtained by the New York Times showed that “most of the arms shipped at
the behest of Saudi Arabia and Qatar to supply Syrian rebel groups… are
going to hardline Islamic jihadists, and not the more secular
opposition groups that the West wants to bolster.”
Lest there be any doubt as to the extent to which all this covert
military assistance coordinated by the US has gone to support al-Qaeda
affiliated factions in the FSA, it is worth noting that earlier this
year, the Israeli military intelligence website
Debkafile
– run by two veteran correspondents who covered the Middle East for 23
years for The Economist – reported that: “Turkey is giving Syrian rebel
forces, including the al-Qaeda-affiliated Nusra Front, passage through
its territory to attack the northwestern Syrian coastal area around
Latakia.”
In August,
Debkafile
reported that “The US, Jordan and Israel are quietly backing the mixed
bag of some 30 Syrian rebel factions”, some of which had just “seized
control of the Syrian side of the Quneitra crossing, the only transit
point between Israeli and Syrian Golan.” However, Debkafile noted,
“al-Qaeda elements have permeated all those factions.” Israel has
provided limited support to these rebels in the form of “medical care,”
as well as “arms, intelligence and food…
“Israel acted as a member, along with the US and Jordan, of a support
system for rebel groups fighting in southern Syria. Their efforts are
coordinated through a war-room which the Pentagon established last year
near Amman. The US, Jordanian and Israeli officers manning the facility
determine in consultation which rebel factions are provided with
reinforcements from the special training camps run for Syrian rebels in
Jordan, and which will receive arms. All three governments understand
perfectly that, notwithstanding all their precautions, some of their
military assistance is bound to percolate to al-Qaeda’s Syrian arm,
Jabhat Al-Nusra, which is fighting in rebel ranks. Neither Washington or
Jerusalem or Amman would be comfortable in admitting they are arming
al-Qaeda’s Nusra Front in southern Syria.”
This support also went to ISIS. Although the latter was originally
founded in Iraq in October 2006, by 2013 the group had significantly
expanded its operations in Syria working alongside al-Qaeda’s al-Nusra
until February 2014, when ISIS was formally denounced by al-Qaeda. Even
so, experts on the region’s Islamist groups point out that the
alleged rift
between al-Nusra and ISIS, while real, is not as fraught as one might
hope, constituting a mere difference in tactics rather than fundamental
ideology.
Officially, the US government’s financial support for the FSA goes
through the Washington DC entity, the Syrian Support Group (SSG),
Syrian Support Group (SSG)
which was incorporated in April 2012. The SSG is licensed via the US
Treasury Department to “export, re-export, sell, or supply to the Free
Syrian Army (‘FSA’) financial, communications, logistical, and other
services otherwise prohibited by Executive Order 13582 in order to
support the FSA.”
In mid-2013, the Obama administration intensified its support to the rebels with a new
classified executive order
reversing its previous policy limiting US direct support to only
nonlethal equipment. As before, the order would aim to supply weapons
strictly to “moderate” forces in the FSA.
Except the government’s vetting procedures to block Islamist extremists from receiving US weapons have never worked.
A year later,
Mother Jones
found that the US government has “little oversight over whether US
supplies are falling prey to corruption – or into the hands of
extremists,” and relies “on too much good faith.” The US government
keeps track of rebels receiving assistance purely through “handwritten
receipts provided by rebel commanders in the field,” and the judgement
of its allies. Countries supporting the rebels – the very same which
have empowered al-Qaeda affiliated Islamists – “are doing audits of the
delivery of lethal and nonlethal supplies.”
Thus, with the Gulf states still calling the shots on the ground, it
is no surprise that by September last year, eleven prominent rebel
groups distanced themselves from the ‘moderate’ opposition leadership
and
allied themselves with al-Qaeda.
By the SSG’s own conservative estimate, as much as 15% of rebel
fighters are Islamists affiliated to al-Qaeda, either through the Jabhut
al-Nusra faction, or its breakaway group ISIS. But privately,
Pentagon officials
estimate that “more than 50%” of the FSA is comprised of Islamist
extremists, and according to rebel sources neither FSA chief Gen Salim
Idris nor his senior aides engage in much vetting, decisions about which
are made typically by local commanders.
Part 2 – THE LONG WAR
Follow the Money
Media reports following ISIS’ conquest of much of northern and
central Iraq this summer have painted the group as the world’s most
super-efficient, self-financed, terrorist organisation that has been
able to consolidate itself exclusively through extensive looting of
Iraq’s banks and funds from black market oil sales. Much of this
narrative, however, has derived from dubious sources, and overlooked
disturbing details.
One senior anonymous intelligence source told Guardian correspondent
Martin Chulov,
for instance, that over 160 computer flash sticks obtained from an ISIS
hideout revealed information on ISIS’ finances that was completely new
to the intelligence community.
“Before Mosul, their total cash and assets were $875m [£515m],” said
the official on the funds obtained largely via “massive cashflows from
the oilfields of eastern Syria, which it had commandeered in late 2012.”
Afterwards, “with the money they robbed from banks and the value of the
military supplies they looted, they could add another $1.5bn to that.”
The thrust of the narrative coming from intelligence sources was simple:
“They had done this all themselves. There was no state actor at all
behind them, which we had long known. They don’t need one.”
“ISIS’ half-a-billion-dollar bank heist makes it world’s richest
terror group,” claimed the Telegraph, adding that the figure did not
include additional stolen gold bullion, and millions more grabbed from
banks “across the region.”
This story of ISIS’ stupendous bank looting spree across Iraq made global headlines but turned out to be
disinformation.
Senior Iraqi officials and bankers confirmed that banks in Iraq,
including Mosul where ISIS supposedly stole $430 million, had faced no
assault, remain open, and are guarded by their own private security
forces.
How did the story come about? One of its prime sources was Iraqi parliamentarian
Ahmed Chalabi – the same man who under the wing of his ‘Iraqi National Congress’ peddled false intelligence about Saddam’s
weapons of mass destruction and ties to al-Qaeda.
In June, Chalabi met with the US ambassador to Iraq, Robert Beecroft,
and Brett McGurk, the State Department’s deputy assistant secretary of
state for Iraq and Iran. According to sources cited by
Buzzfeed in June, Beecroft “has been meeting Chalabi for months and has dined at his mansion in Baghdad.”
Follow the Oil
But while ISIS has clearly obtained funding from donors in the Gulf
states, many of its fighters having broken away from the more
traditional al-Qaeda affiliated groups like Jabhut al-Nusra, it has also
successfully leveraged its control over Syrian and Iraqi oil fields.
In January, the
New York Times
reported that “Islamist rebels and extremist groups have seized control
of most of Syria’s oil and gas resources”, bolstering “the fortunes of
the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, and the Nusra Front, both
of which are offshoots of al-Qaeda.” Al-Qaeda affiliated rebels had
“seized control of the oil and gas fields scattered across the country’s
north and east,” while more moderate “Western-backed rebel groups do
not appear to be involved in the oil trade, in large part because they
have not taken over any oil fields.”
Yet the west had directly aided these Islamist groups in their
efforts to operationalise Syria’s oil fields. In April 2013, for
instance, the Times noted that al-Qaeda rebels had taken over key
regions of Syria: “Nusra’s hand is felt most strongly in Aleppo”, where
the al-Qaeda affiliate had established in coordination with other rebel
groups
including ISIS
“a Shariah Commission” running “a police force and an Islamic court
that hands down sentences that have included lashings.” Al-Qaeda
fighters also “control the power plant and distribute flour to keep the
city’s bakeries running.” Additionally, they “have seized government oil
fields” in provinces of Deir al-Zour and Hasaka, and now make a “profit
from the crude they produce.”
Lost in the fog of media hype was the disconcerting fact that these
al-Qaeda rebel bread and oil operations in Aleppo, Deir al-Zour and
Hasaka were directly and indirectly supported by the US and the European
Union (EU). One account by the
Washington Post
for instance refers to a stealth mission in Aleppo “to deliver food and
other aid to needy Syrians – all of it paid for by the US government,”
including the supply of flour. “The bakery is fully supplied with flour
paid for by the United States,” the Post continues, noting that local
consumers, however, “credited Jabhat al-Nusra – a rebel group the United
States has designated a terrorist organisation because of its ties to
al-Qaeda – with providing flour to the region, though he admitted he
wasn’t sure where it comes from.”
And in the same month that al-Qaeda’s control of Syria’s main oil regions in Deir al-Zour and Hasaka was confirmed, the
EU voted to ease an oil embargo
on Syria to allow oil to be sold on international markets from these
very al-Qaeda controlled oil fields. European companies would be
permitted to buy crude oil and petroleum products from these areas,
although transactions would be approved by the Syrian National
Coalition. Due to damaged infrastructure, oil would be trucked by road
to Turkey where the nearest refineries are located.
“The logical conclusion from this craziness is that Europe will be funding al-Qaeda,” said
Joshua Landis , a Syria expert at the University of Oklahoma.
Just two months later, a former senior staffer at the Syria Support Group in DC, David Falt, leaked internal SSG
emails
confirming that the group was “obsessed” with brokering “jackpot” oil
deals on behalf of the FSA for Syria’s rebel-run oil regions. “The idea
they could raise hundreds of millions from the sale of the oil came to
dominate the work of the SSG to the point no real attention was paid to
the nature of the conflict,” said Falt, referring in particular to SSG’s
director Brian Neill Sayers, who before his SSG role worked with NATO’s
Operations Division. Their aim was to raise money for the rebels by
selling the rights to Syrian oil.
Tacit Complicity in IS Oil Smuggling
Even as al-Qaeda fighters increasingly decide to join up with IS, the
ad hoc black market oil production and export infrastructure
established by the Islamist groups in Syria has continued to function
with, it seems, the tacit support of regional and western powers.
According to Ali
Ediboglu,
a Turkish MP for the border province of Hatay, IS is selling the bulk
of its oil from regions in Syria and Mosul in Iraq through Turkey, with
the tacit consent of Turkish authorities: “They have laid pipes from
villages near the Turkish border at Hatay. Similar pipes exist also at
[the Turkish border regions of] Kilis, Urfa and Gaziantep. They transfer
the oil to Turkey and parlay it into cash. They take the oil from the
refineries at zero cost. Using primitive means, they refine the oil in
areas close to the Turkish border and then sell it via Turkey. This is
worth $800 million.” He also noted that the extent of this and related
operations indicates official Turkish complicity. “Fighters from Europe,
Russia, Asian countries and Chechnya are going in large numbers both to
Syria and Iraq, crossing from Turkish territory. There is information
that at least 1,000 Turkish nationals are helping those foreign fighters
sneak into Syria and Iraq to join ISIS. The National Intelligence
Organization (MIT) is allegedly involved. None of this can be happening
without MIT’s knowledge.”
Similarly, there is evidence that authorities in the Kurdish region
of Iraq are also turning a blind eye to IS oil smuggling. In July,
Iraqi officials
said that IS had begun selling oil extracted from in the northern
province of Salahuddin. One official pointed out that “the Kurdish
peshmerga forces stopped the sale of oil at first, but later allowed
tankers to transfer and sell oil.”
State of Law coalition MP Alia Nasseef also accused the Kurdistan
Regional Government (KRG) of secretly trading oil with IS: “What is
happening shows the extent of the massive conspiracy against Iraq by
Kurdish politicians… The [illegal] sale of Iraqi oil to ISIS or anyone
else is something that would not surprise us.” Although Kurdish
officials have roundly rejected these accusations,
informed sources
told the Arabic daily Asharq Al-Awsat that Iraqi crude captured by ISIS
was “being sold to Kurdish traders in the border regions straddling
Iraq, Iran and Syria, and was being shipped to Pakistan where it was
being sold ‘for less than half its original price.’”
An
official statement
in August from Iraq’s Oil Ministry warned that any oil not sanctioned
by Baghdad could include crude smuggled illegally from IS:
“International purchasers [of crude oil] and other market participants
should be aware that any oil exports made without the authorisation of
the Ministry of Oil may contain crude oil originating from fields under
the control of [ISIS].”
“Countries like Turkey have turned a blind eye to the practice” of IS oil smuggling, said
Luay al-Khateeb,
a fellow at the Brookings Doha Center, “and international pressure
should be mounted to close down black markets in its southern region.”
So far there has been no such pressure. Meanwhile, IS oil smuggling
continues, with observers
inside and outside Turkey noting that the Turkish government is tacitly allowing IS to flourish as it prefers the rebels to the Assad regime.
According to former Iraqi oil minister Isam al-Jalabi, “Turkey is the
biggest winner from the Islamic State’s oil smuggling trade.” Both
traders and oil firms are involved, he said, with the low prices
allowing for “massive” profits for the countries facilitating the
smuggling.
Buying ISIS Oil?
Early last month, a tanker carrying over a million barrels in crude
oil from northern Iraq’s Kurdish region arrived at the Texas Gulf of
Mexico. The oil had been refined in the Iraqi Kurdish region before
being pumped through a new pipeline from the KRG area ending up at
Ceyhan, Turkey, where it was then loaded onto the tanker for shipping to
the US. Baghdad’s efforts to stop the oil sale on the basis of its
having national jurisdiction were rebuffed by
American courts.
In early September, the European Union’s ambassador to Iraq, Jana Hybášková, told the
EU Foreign Affairs Committee
that “several EU member states have bought oil from the Islamic State
(IS, formerly ISIS) terrorist organisation that has been brutally
conquering large portions of Iraq and Syria,” according to Israel
National News. She however “refused to divulge the names of the
countries despite being asked numerous times.”
A third end-point for the KRG’s crude this summer, once again shipped
via Turkey’s port of Ceyhan, was Israel’s southwestern port of
Ashkelon. This is hardly news though. In May,
Reuters revealed that Israeli and US oil refineries had been regularly purchasing and importing KRG’s disputed oil.
Meanwhile, as this triangle of covert oil shipments in which ISIS
crude appears to be hopelessly entangled becomes more established,
Turkey has increasingly demanded that the US pursue formal measures to
lift obstacles
to Kurdish oil sales to global markets. The KRG plans to export as much
as 1 million barrels of oil a day by next year through its
pipeline to Turkey.
Among the many oil and gas firms active in the KRG capital, Erbil,
are ExxonMobil and Chevron. They are drilling in the region for oil
under KRG contracts, though operations have been halted due to the
crisis. No wonder Steve Coll writes in the
New Yorker
that Obama’s air strikes and arms supplies to the Kurds – notably not
to Baghdad – effectively amount to “the defense of an undeclared Kurdish
oil state whose sources of geopolitical appeal – as a long-term,
non-Russian supplier of oil and gas to Europe, for example – are best
not spoken of in polite or naïve company.” The Kurds are now busy
working to “quadruple” their
export capacity, while US policy has increasingly shifted toward
permitting Kurdish exports – a development that would have major ramifications for Iraq’s national territorial integrity.
To be sure, as the offensive against IS ramps up, the Kurds are now
selectively cracking down on IS smuggling efforts – but the measures are
too little, too late.
A New Map
The Third Iraq War has begun. With it, longstanding neocon dreams to
partition Iraq into three along ethnic and religious lines have been
resurrected.
White House officials now estimate that the fight against the region’s ‘Islamic State’ will last
years,
and may outlive the Obama administration. But this ‘long war’ vision
goes back to nebulous ideas formally presented by late RAND Corp analyst
Laurent Muraweic before the Pentagon’s
Defense Policy Board
at the invitation of then chairman Richard Perle. That presentation
described Iraq as a “tactical pivot” by which to transform the wider
Middle East.
Brian Whitaker,
former Guardian Middle East editor,
rightly noted that the Perle-RAND strategy drew inspiration from a 1996
paper published by the Israeli Institute for Advanced Strategic and
Political Studies, co-authored by Perle and other neocons who held top
positions in the post-9/11 Bush administration.
The policy paper advocated a strategy that bears startling
resemblance to the chaos unfolding in the wake of the expansion of the
‘Islamic State’ – Israel would “shape its strategic environment” by
first securing the removal of Saddam Hussein. “Jordan and Turkey would
form an axis along with Israel to weaken and ‘roll back’ Syria.” This
axis would attempt to weaken the influence of Lebanon, Syria and Iran by
“weaning” off their Shi’ite populations. To succeed, Israel would need
to engender US support, which would be obtained by Benjamin Netanyahu
formulating the strategy “in language familiar to the Americans by
tapping into themes of American administrations during the cold war.”
The 2002 Perle-RAND plan was active in the Bush administration’s
strategic thinking on Iraq shortly before the 2003 war. According to US
private intelligence firm
Stratfor,
in late 2002, then vice-president Dick Cheney and deputy defense
secretary Paul Wolfowitz had co-authored a scheme under which central
Sunni-majority Iraq would join with Jordan; the northern Kurdish regions
would become an autonomous state; all becoming separate from the
southern Shi’ite region.
The strategic advantages of an Iraq partition, Stratfor argued, focused on US control of oil:
“After eliminating Iraq as a sovereign state, there would be no fear
that one day an anti-American government would come to power in Baghdad,
as the capital would be in Amman [Jordan]. Current and potential US
geopolitical foes Iran, Saudi Arabia and Syria would be isolated from
each other, with big chunks of land between them under control of the
pro-US forces.
“Equally important, Washington would be able to justify its long-term
and heavy military presence in the region as necessary for the defense
of a young new state asking for US protection – and to secure the
stability of oil markets and supplies. That in turn would help the
United States gain direct control of Iraqi oil and replace Saudi oil in
case of conflict with Riyadh.”
The expansion of the ‘Islamic State’ has provided a pretext for the
fundamental contours of this scenario to unfold, with the US and British
looking to re-establish a long-term military presence in Iraq.
In 2006, Cheney’s successor, Joe Biden, also indicated his support for the
‘soft partition’
of Iraq along ethno-religious lines – a position which the co-author of
the Biden-Iraq plan, Leslie Gelb of the Council on Foreign Relations,
now argues is “the only solution” to the current crisis.
In 2008, the strategy re-surfaced – once again via
RAND Corp
– through a report funded by the US Army Training and Doctrine Command
on how to prosecute the ‘long war.’ Among its strategies, one scenario
advocated by the report was ‘Divide and Rule’ which would involve
“exploiting fault lines between the various Salafi-jihadist groups to
turn them against each other and dissipate their energy on internal
conflicts.”
Simultaneously, the report suggested that the US could foster
conflict between Salafi-jihadists and Shi’ite militants by “shoring up
the traditional Sunni regimes… as a way of containing Iranian power and
influence in the Middle East and Persian Gulf.”
One way or another, the plan is in motion. Last week, Israeli foreign minister
Avigdor Leiberman
told US secretary of state John Kerry: “Iraq is breaking up before our
eyes and it would appear that the creation of an independent Kurdish
state is a foregone conclusion.”
The rise of the ‘Islamic State’ is not just a direct consequence of
this neocon vision, tied as it is to a dangerous covert operations
strategy that has seen al-Qaeda linked terrorists as a tool to influence
local populations – it has in turn offered a pretext for the launch of a
new era of endless war, the spectre of a prolonged US-led military
presence in the energy-rich Persian Gulf region, and a return to the
dangerous imperial temptation to re-configure the wider regional order.
Dr. Nafeez Ahmed is
a bestselling author, investigative journalist and international
security scholar. He has contributed to two major terrorism
investigations in the US and UK, the 9/11 Commission and the 7/7
Coroner’s Inquest, and has advised the Royal Military Academy Sandhust,
British Foreign Office and US State Department. He is a regular
contributor to The Guardian
where he writes about the geopolitics of interconnected environmental,
energy and economic crises. He has also written for The Independent,
Sydney Morning Herald, CounterPunch, The Age, The Scotsman, Foreign
Policy, Prospect, New Statesman, Le Monde diplomatique, among many
others. His just released new novel, ZERO POINT, predicted a new war in Iraq to put down an al-Qaeda insurgency. Follow him on Twitter @nafeezahmed and Facebook.